Subordinate clauses without Que in Classical Portuguese

Abstract

In this work, we will look at embedded finite clauses without the complementizer que in Classical Portuguese. Our goal is to investigate, within a generative perspective, whether this kind of construction can be interpreted as a CP or an IP complement. Based on facts related to the position of the subject, to the ordering of adverbs and to the placement of clitics, we will show that embedded clauses without the complementizer que instantiate V movement to C, resulting, therefore, in the presence of the CP category.